Abstract
This article analyses recent urban development in Rabat–Salé, Morocco, with a focus on displacement and women’s mobilisations against top-down planning. Since the early 2000s, state-led and internationally financed waterfront megaprojects, including tramway extensions, marinas, heritage restorations, and cultural complexes, have profoundly transformed working-class neighborhoods into tourist and elite residential enclaves. Despite official commitments to participation and fair compensation, many residents report demolitions, forced relocations, and limited access to information or legal recourse. Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted between 2022 and 2025, including 30 semi-structured interviews with women from the Ocean District, Saniat Gharbia, and Douar Laskar, as well as press analysis and participant observation, this study examines how women perceive and navigate these transformations. The analysis highlights the unequal impacts of gentrification across social groups, particularly along lines of gender and class. Drawing on feminist and postcolonial urban theories, the article explores how women contest exclusionary urban policies through sit-ins, media campaigns, and legal appeals. The findings show that while the Moroccan state promotes a globalised image of Rabat as a “City of Light,” local populations experience the erasure of historical memory, the loss of housing rights, and deepening spatial injustice. Women, in particular, emerge both as victims and agents of resistance, negotiating complex trade-offs between survival, visibility, and voice in the city. This research contributes to debates on urban inequality, spatial justice, and the role of gender in contested urban governance in the Global South.
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Published in
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Social Sciences (Volume 14, Issue 5)
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DOI
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10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17
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Page(s)
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536-544 |
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Creative Commons
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This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, provided the original work is properly cited.
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Copyright
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Copyright © The Author(s), 2025. Published by Science Publishing Group
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Keywords
Urban Sociology, Gender and Urban Planning, Rabat–Salé, Gentrification, Women’s Mobilisations, Informal Settlements, Rehousing, Local Governance, Littoralization, Coastal Redevelopment, Rabat, Gendered Displacement
1. Introduction
This study examines the contemporary transformation of Rabat–Salé through two intertwined lenses. First, it analyzes the internationalization and coastal redevelopment of Morocco’s capital, framed as strategies for enhancing global competitiveness. Second, it investigates the social and spatial consequences of these projects, highlighting how they reshape everyday life and disproportionately affect vulnerable populations, particularly women. The central question is: How do state-led megaprojects produce gendered displacement, and how do women mobilize to reclaim their right to the city?
Since the early 2000s, Morocco has pursued an ambitious urban modernization agenda aimed at positioning its cities as global hubs
| [2] | Aouragh, M. (2018). Urban politics in Morocco. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 50(3), 467–486. |
| [4] | Barthel, P.-A. & Planel, S. (2010). Urban projects and emerging practices of citizenship in Morocco and Tunisia. Habitat International, 34(2), 210–218. |
| [10] | Bogaert, K. (2015). The Revolt of Small Towns: The Meaning of Morocco’s History and the Geography of Social Protests. Review of African Political Economy, 42(143), 124–140. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2014.918536 |
[2, 4, 10]
. In Rabat, this has taken the form of waterfront megaprojects, including tramway extensions, marinas, cultural complexes, coastal redevelopment, and real estate ventures that have profoundly altered the city's fabric. While official discourse celebrates heritage valorization, international visibility, and participatory governance, affected communities report demolitions, peripheral rehousing, and limited consultation. These dynamics exemplify “splintering urbanism”
and the circulation of elite-oriented models
. Recent scholarship has emphasized the need to theorize urban transformations from the perspective of the Global South itself
, while highlighting the gendered dimensions of development-induced displacement
| [28] | Melketo, T. A., Seiber, S., & Bonatti, M. (2023). Gendered analysis of development induced displacement in the Global South: A systematic review. European Journal of Sustainable Development Research. https://doi.org/10.29333/ejosdr/13296 |
| [39] | Sakızlıoğlu, B. (2024). Unveiling Urban Dispossessions through a feminist lens. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.13239 |
[28, 39]
. This article focuses particularly on the coastal districts of Rabat, L’Océan, Saniat Gharbia, and Douar Laskar, which have undergone intense transformations as part of the city’s littoralization strategy.
Grassroots mobilizations have emerged in response, often fragmented and underreported, yet essential for reclaiming the right to the city
| [23] | Harvey, D. (2008). The Right to the City. New Left Review, 53, 23–40. |
| [26] | Lefebvre, H. (1968). Le Droit à la ville. Paris: Anthropos. |
| [29] | Miraftab, F. (2009). Insurgent planning: situating radical planning in the global South. Planning Theory, 8(1), 32–50. https://doi.org/10.1177/1473095208099297 |
[23, 26, 29]
. This article brings a gendered lens to these struggles. Building on feminist urban theory
, it explores how displacement policies reorganize domestic geographies, disrupt care economies, and restrict women’s access to public space, while also generating new forms of resistance and situated citizenship.
Methodologically, this article draws on thirty semi-structured interviews conducted between 2022 and 2025 with women from L’Océan, Saniat Gharbia, and Douar Laskar neighborhoods undergoing displacement and redevelopment. Data collection included participant observation and press analysis. Interviews were analyzed through manual thematic coding organized in matrices around recurring themes (displacement, resistance, gendered experiences). All participants were anonymized and provided informed consent
| [32] | Monqid, S. (2025). Field notes and semi-structured interviews on women’s mobilizations in Rabat-Salé. |
[32]
. Complementary press analysis also covered the case of Skhirat, a coastal town south of Rabat, to provide a comparative perspective on regional patterns of expropriation.
As a Moroccan female researcher, I was often perceived as an insider by interviewees. This shared cultural and linguistic background facilitated trust but may also have influenced the narratives shared. This positionality shaped the data collection and should inform the interpretation of findings.
The article is structured into three parts. The first part contextualizes Rabat’s waterfront urbanism and its colonial legacies; the second one examines displacement, expropriation, and gendered vulnerability; and the last one highlights women’s mobilizations and their implications for urban justice in the Global South.
2. Colonial Legacies, Waterfront Urbanism and the Production of Inequalities: Understanding Rabat's Urban Fragmentation
Rabat, the administrative capital of Morocco, is currently undergoing profound urban transformations. Over the past two decades, a series of large-scale development projects, tramway, marina, cultural facilities, and the redevelopment of the Bouregreg riverbanks, have been reshaping urban space, daily practices, and social relations to the city. These changes, driven by powerful public actors such as the Bouregreg Valley Development Agency (AAVB), reflect a dual ambition: to modernize the city and enhance its international visibility, while also enforcing a form of spatial normalization. The city’s inscription on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 2012 and its recent positioning for the 2030 World Cup exemplify the intent to brand Rabat as a showcase metropolis. The current wave of coastal redevelopment has particularly transformed Rabat’s seafront, from the Bouregreg riverbanks to the Ocean district, producing both urban spectacle and social displacement.
However, these dynamics reveal a persistent urban fragmentation: between a valorized center and relegated peripheries; between curated heritage and erased memories; between official discourses and popular lived experiences. The "showcase city" coexists with persistent forms of marginalization, rooted in colonial history and reactivated through contemporary neoliberal policies.
This first section examines the historical and political foundations of this fragmentation. Through a cross-analysis of scholarly literature
| [1] | Abouhani, A. (1997). Ville et pouvoir au Maroc. Paris: L’Harmattan. |
| [3] | Barthel, P.-A. & Miloudi, H. (2009). Rabat’s waterfront: Global imaginaries and local practices. In: Urban Studies in the Maghreb. |
| [5] | Berry-Chikhaoui, I. & Deboulet, A. (2000). La ville et le politique: fragments d’une urbanité en chantier. Revue Tiers Monde, 162(2), 305–322. |
| [8] | Bogaert, K. (2011). Urban Politics in Morocco: Uneven Development, Neoliberal Government and State Power. Review of African Political Economy, 38(129), 123–137. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2011.603180 |
[1, 3, 5, 8]
, recent media coverage
, and fieldwork conducted between 2022 and 2025, it retraces the genealogy of Rabat’s current urban inequalities. It proposes an analysis structured around three main themes: the colonial legacy of urban planning; public policies of relocation and renovation; and the ambivalent effects of heritage-driven development.
This analysis reveals how the dual city designed under the French Protectorate has not disappeared but has instead been reconfigured in contemporary megaprojects, often at the expense of popular neighborhoods, local knowledge, and invisible territorial attachments. Beneath these visible transformations lies a silent reordering of social and spatial relations, in which the most vulnerable populations bear the cost of accelerated modernization.
2.1. Between Urban Heritage and the Erasure of Popular Memory
Understanding Rabat’s contemporary transformations requires revisiting the foundations of its urban structure. Long before the French colonization, Rabat was a strategic Atlantic port, situated between sea and river. Its urban configuration reflected a fluid articulation between the medina, peripheral working-class neighborhoods, and surrounding agricultural and craft zones. The city grew according to natural conditions, anchored around the Bouregreg river, a vital artery for trade and daily life. Its spatial structure was shaped by social and functional stratification, rooted in neighborhood solidarities, professional guilds, and tribal or lineage affiliations
| [30] | Monqid, S. (2022). « Rabat: De la République des deux rives à une capitale moderne portant la modernité des femmes », in A. Hammouche, S. Monqid (éd.), Espaces et genre dans le monde arabe. Des transformations urbaines aux mutations des rapports de sexe, Paris, Karthala, pp. 31-66. |
[30]
.
The establishment of the French Protectorate in 1912 marked a sharp rupture. Resident General Lyautey designated Rabat as Morocco’s administrative capital and imposed a dual urban model: a modern European city in the west for civil servants and settlers, and a contained, frozen medina in the east, deprived of structural development. This segregated spatial model, theorized by Henri Prost, continues to influence urban development logics to this day.
Paradoxically, after independence, the Moroccan state prolonged this colonial spatial logic. Berry-Chikhaoui and Deboulet
| [5] | Berry-Chikhaoui, I. & Deboulet, A. (2000). La ville et le politique: fragments d’une urbanité en chantier. Revue Tiers Monde, 162(2), 305–322. |
[5]
argue that the principle of separation was never abolished; it was instead reshaped and reinforced through new forms such as the privatization of public space, unequal access to services, and residential fragmentation. The post-independence decades witnessed rapid demographic growth driven by rural exodus. Informal and working-class neighborhoods emerged in the peripheries through self-construction and vertical densification
| [31] | Monqid, S. (2014). Femmes et villes: Rabat de la tradition à la modernité urbaine. Rennes: PUR. |
[31]
. Though “illegal” in administrative terms, these areas became hubs of social innovation, rich urban life, and strong territorial anchoring.
However, the urban revalorization policies launched in recent decades tend to erase this popular memory. Historical references are now selectively curated: colonial architecture (Lyautey, Prost’s plans), Almohad ramparts, and Andalusian gardens are celebrated, while housing struggles, women’s resistance, and informal social practices are obscured
| [5] | Berry-Chikhaoui, I. & Deboulet, A. (2000). La ville et le politique: fragments d’une urbanité en chantier. Revue Tiers Monde, 162(2), 305–322. |
| [13] | Cattedra, R. (2011). Figures et formes de la ville au Maghreb. Paris: CNRS Éditions. |
[5, 13]
. This “selective memory” underpins the current wave of urban reconfiguration. Several researchers have shown how recent projects perpetuate colonial logics, symbolic reappropriation of territory, erasure of popular uses, and selective heritage staging.
2.2. A “Rebranded” Capital Under Exceptional Urban Governance
Since the early 2000s, Rabat has been subject to accelerated urban transformation, shaped by geopolitical repositioning, global urban marketing, and heritage compliance imperatives. The creation of the Bouregreg Agency in 2006, alongside projects such as the tramway (2011), marina, office towers, and cultural facilities (Mohammed VI National Theatre, National Library, Grand Stadium of Rabat), have profoundly reshaped the city’s urban morphology.
These projects are accompanied by discourses of modernization and international prestige. While heritage is showcased, riverbanks pedestrianized, and façades beautified, at what cost? Expropriations have been widespread and often experienced as brutal. The UNESCO inscription of Rabat in 2012 as a “Modern Capital and Historic City” was not merely an acknowledgment
| [5] | Berry-Chikhaoui, I. & Deboulet, A. (2000). La ville et le politique: fragments d’une urbanité en chantier. Revue Tiers Monde, 162(2), 305–322. |
| [33] | OECD (2024). National Urban Policy Review of Morocco. https://doi.org/10.1787/af7ee02f-en |
| [35] | Planel, S. (2017). Heritage and urban development in Rabat. Built Environment, 43(4), 573–588. |
| [42] | UNESCO (2012). Rabat: Modern Capital and Historic City. Paris: UNESCO World Heritage Centre. |
[5, 33, 35, 42]
of heritage, but a strategic tool in land valorization and symbolic legitimization. This recognition bolstered the government’s requalification initiatives, frequently at the expense of popular populations. This pattern mirrors broader trends in Morocco's urban governance, where heritage-driven development increasingly serves global positioning strategies
.
Rabat’s waterfront development, a hallmark of littoralization, entails a strategic concentration of investment along maritime and riverfront zones. This process seeks to align Rabat with international urban standards and attract investors, tourists, and middle-class residents. Initiatives like Rabat, City of Light and Cultural Capital of Morocco (launched in 2014), and more recently the 2030 World Cup preparations, exemplify efforts to transform the capital into a “showcase city”. But these ambitions risk accelerating gentrification, displacing social conflict and informal practices. The remaking of the Bouregreg riverbanks positions Rabat within the imaginary of global metropolises
| [3] | Barthel, P.-A. & Miloudi, H. (2009). Rabat’s waterfront: Global imaginaries and local practices. In: Urban Studies in the Maghreb. |
[3]
, while erasing living, conflictual, and popular memories.
In this logic, Rabat’s transformation echoes what Sh. Zukin
| [44] | Zukin, S. (1995). The Cultures of Cities. Oxford: Blackwell. |
[44]
has termed symbolic domination, the production of sanitized, consumable urban space adapted to technocratic governance.
2.3. Resettlement, Gentrification, and the Reconfiguration of Social Spaces
Behind the visible modernizations, tramlines, cultural hubs, restored façades, lies a quieter displacement process. Entire neighborhoods once central to the city’s working-class identity have been demolished or relocated. In Rabat-Salé, populations from informal settlements like Douar El Kora, Douar Sghira, and Carrière Thomas have been displaced to peripheral areas such as Tamesna or Ain Aouda, under so-called requalification programs.
These programs, officially framed as part of the “Cities Without Slums” initiative in 2004, often present themselves as humanistic endeavors. Yet, many residents experience them as violent displacements, marked by a loss of centrality, rupture of social networks, and precarious reinstallation. As one resident in Hay Ryad testified during a focus group in 2023: “When I spoke at the neighborhood meeting, they told me, ‘It’s not your place, madam, to talk about these things.’ But I live here, I have children, I have the right to speak.”
Such testimonies underscore the enduring processes of symbolic and material exclusion. Women, particularly, often face double displacement, territorial and relational, as they lose proximity to schools, informal support networks, and small-scale economic activities.
Moreover, relocation schemes often rely on individual property ownership, undermining forms of collective land tenure and mutual aid that previously structured popular urban life. Families are pushed to “rehouse” themselves through complex credit schemes, in areas poorly connected to the city core, with inadequate public services. This logic of atomization and spatial marginalization weakens traditional solidarities and deepens socio-spatial fragmentation.
2.4. Heritage as a Vector of Legitimization and Exclusion
The inscription of Rabat as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 2012, under the title “Modern Capital and Historic City: a Shared Heritage”, played a key role in urban marketing and in the legitimization of expropriations. Although it aimed to protect architectural heritage, the inscription was mobilized to justify operations that endangered vernacular forms of housing and social memory. The proximity to the historic medina, ramparts, and Oudayas quarter has become a justification for space-clearing operations, often presented as beautification or security enhancement.
In 2023, numerous press articles
denounced forced evictions and lack of consultation. Families reported being displaced “for the sake of tourists,” without alternative solutions or meaningful compensation. These processes reproduce what urban sociologist S. Sassen has described as “urban expulsions”
| [40] | Sassen, S. (2014). Expulsions: Brutality and Complexity in the Global Economy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. |
[40]
, subtle yet systemic forms of eviction targeting the most vulnerable residents.
Rabat’s recent developments thus raise critical questions: who is the city being transformed for? What kinds of memories and practices are being valorized or erased? Whose voices count in decisions about space?
These questions are all the more pressing in the context of Morocco’s bid to co-host the 2030 FIFA World Cup. While authorities promise international visibility and infrastructure modernization, the risks of social displacement, real estate speculation, and the silencing of dissenting voices loom large.
The transformation of Rabat cannot be reduced to a narrative of modernization or heritage preservation. It must be understood as a process of reconfiguration of space, power, and memory, driven by globalized urban policies, but deeply rooted in local histories. The dual city born under colonial rule is not merely a legacy, it is being reactivated and normalized through contemporary projects. The following section examines how these transformations unfold on the ground, particularly in coastal neighborhoods where displacement intersects with gender inequalities.
3. Displacement and Its Discontents: Expropriation, Gendered Vulnerability, and Everyday Resistance
The large urban development initiatives undertaken by the Moroccan state across the Bouregreg Valley, including the tramway, marina, cultural complexes, and riverbank redevelopments, have fundamentally reshaped spatial relationships in Rabat and Salé. Yet, beneath this stage-managed narrative of progress lie profound social consequences: forced expropriations, displacement to the periphery, loss of territorial anchoring, and increased vulnerability among residents. In sharp contrast to official rhetoric centered on the “sustainable city” and “inclusive modernity,” the lived experiences of marginalized populations reveal a deep disconnect between policy promises and social realities
| [11] | Bogaert, K. (2018). Globalized Authoritarianism: Megaprojects, Slums and Class Relations in Urban Morocco. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. https://doi.org/10.5749/j.ctv75d35x |
| [41] | Smith, N. (1996). The New Urban Frontier: Gentrification and the Revanchist City. London: Routledge. |
[11, 41]
. This section examines how the state is redefining modes of urban dwelling amid rapid displacement, while also uncovering local practices of resistance, adaptation, and resilience.
3.1. The Expropriated Experience: Relocation, Loss of Roots, and Broken Sociability
Since the early 2000s, expropriation processes tied to redevelopment around the Bouregreg Valley have proliferated. Though often justified in the name of public interest or heritage enhancement, such displacements have frequently felt sudden, unjust, and inadequately compensated. “We were told to leave, no discussion. This house belonged to my father. We grew up here. Now we’re at the city’s edge, without schools, transport, or neighbors,” says Loubna, age 43, relocated to a subdivision in Tamesna. Several residents expressed a sense of erasure: “It’s as if we never existed”
.
Peripheral rehousing, often in standardized units badly integrated into the urban fabric, disrupts social networks, everyday routines, and collective social uses of space. As Berry-Chikhaoui & Deboulet
| [5] | Berry-Chikhaoui, I. & Deboulet, A. (2000). La ville et le politique: fragments d’une urbanité en chantier. Revue Tiers Monde, 162(2), 305–322. |
[5]
observe, urban transformation is not just physical displacement, it dismantles systems of belonging, informal economies, and mutual aid. This “territorial uprooting” especially impacts women, who typically serve as the anchors for household and neighborhood sociability.
Compensation, when offered, remains minimal or delayed. In Oulja, an erstwhile riverbank artisanal zone, potters saw their workshops demolished. Although some were offered relocation to a “model artisanal zone,” mobility constraints, financial burdens, and client losses were overlooked. This erasure of place equates to social downgrading and illustrates a forgotten dimension in urban planning: the continuity of social ties and customary user rights, absent in official maps but vital to everyday life.
3.2. Selective and Gendered Urban Reconfiguration
Redevelopment impacts vary widely across populations, depending on housing tenure, gender, age, and mobility. Women, in particular, occupy a precarious intersection of invisibility, as often informal occupants, heads of households, and marginalized civic actors.
In Saniat Gharbia, an enclave within the Ocean district, a woman confided: “My husband passed away. I live alone with my children. I have no title, just bills. They said they would rehouse us, but we don’t know where or when.” Similarly, in Douar Laskar, another coastal neighborhood facing demolition, women reported being told to vacate without formal documentation or clear timelines. Single, widowed, or divorced women are frequently excluded from rehousing systems due to their inability to prove ownership or fit into predefined family models. This asymmetry extends into the reconfigured public spaces. The Bouregreg riverbanks have been turned into regulated, surveilled environments, where Women’s presence, particularly at night, is restricted. Such aesthetic redevelopment also signifies a “social domestication” of space
| [43] | Zaki, L. (2015). Public space, gender and social domestication in Morocco. Les Cahiers d’EMAM, 25, 77–94. |
[43]
, excluding informal gatherings such as children playing, family picnics, and festive assemblies.
3.3. The Case of the Ocean District: A Sudden Surge of Media Attention
The Ocean district and its adjacent enclaves, including Saniat Gharbia and Douar Laskar, represent the epicenter of Rabat’s coastal transformation.
The Ocean District, perched along the city’s corniche, has recently become a focal point of public scrutiny. Demolitions and expropriations there sparked heated controversy. Supported by members of the Democratic Left Federation (FGD), some residents denounced pressure to sell their properties at drastically undervalued prices, ranging from 1,000 to 13,000 dirhams per square meter, when market values lie between 20,000 and 30,000 MAD/m2.
Not all residents opposed the redevelopment. Three interviewees mentioned improved infrastructure and hoped for better housing conditions, though they remained skeptical about compensation timelines.
The issue was escalated to the Kingdom’s Ombudsman amid accusations of “domination and exploitation,” viewed as violations of fundamental property rights
.
To diffuse the backlash, Mayor Fatiha El Moudni claimed these were not expropriations, but rather “amicable transactions” paired with rehousing for vulnerable residents
Yet local accounts decry the total absence of transparency, community consultation, or formal notification.
This case exposes the tension between modernizing urban spectacle and social equity demands. The Ocean District crystallizes the contradictions of Rabat’s shifting urban identity, elegant on the surface, yet torn inside.
3.4. Silence as a Strategy of Coping and Resistance
Although state-led displacement amounts to symbolic violence, eviction, exclusion, memory erasure, affected residents have not remained passive. Their resistance is often subtle, contained in everyday tactics, informal adjustments, or quiet bargaining.
Michel de Certeau’s
| [14] | Certeau, M. de (1990). L’invention du quotidien, tome 1: Arts de faire. Paris: Gallimard. |
[14]
concept of everyday spatial practices resonates here. Many displaced return on weekends, to revisit markets, reunite with former neighbors, to reinhabit memory. Others refuse to sign relocation papers in hopes of negotiation. These small acts reflect a desire to remain connected to a vanishing place.
Such silence is not resignation, it expresses resistance to a perceived unapproachable authority. It also signifies political exhaustion. Many residents admit to “no longer believing in anything” after years of unfulfilled promises. This disillusionment cultivates a sense of injustice and abandonment, revealing the shortcomings of urban governance that professes inclusion without real democratic commitments.
3.5. Conflicting Narratives: Modernity Versus Memory
Rabat’s transformation is framed by a powerful narrative, modernity, innovation, openness, pervading official discourse, planning documents, and media narratives. Yet this narrative collides with alternate ones circulated by residents, fragmented, painful, and often silent stories of loss, uprooting, and erasure.
In the Marina of Rabat, in 2024, a resident lamented: “There were trees, play areas, a public square. Now it’s beautiful, but empty. We don’t dare sit there anymore.” Her observation captures the paradox of urban beautification that strips meaning. Popular memories, informal uses, affective attachments are seldom factored into redevelopment. In reconstructing space, history is destroyed.
The redevelopment of Sidi Moussa illustrates this. Once celebrated for its crafts, vibrant life, and religious festivals, the neighborhood was radically redesigned. While facades gleamed, artisans and families vanished. The streets became sets. This “museumification” of urban space
| [44] | Zukin, S. (1995). The Cultures of Cities. Oxford: Blackwell. |
[44]
reflects a broader process: cities become curated images devoid of inner life.
While most of these resistances remain informal and dispersed, women often crystallise and carry forward the most resilient and politically meaningful responses. The next section explores this dynamic in detail.
4. Women, Resistance, and the Right to the City: A Feminist Reading of Urban Transformations
Urban requalification dynamics in Rabat are far from neutral. Recent feminist urban scholarship
| [25] | Koleth, E., Peake, L., Razavi, N. S., & Adeniyi-Ogunyankin, G. (2023). Decolonising feminist explorations of urban futures. Urban Geography, 44(9), 1843-1852. https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2023.2257473 |
| [39] | Sakızlıoğlu, B. (2024). Unveiling Urban Dispossessions through a feminist lens. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.13239 |
[25, 39]
demonstrates how such transformations reshape both visible and invisible boundaries of spatial power, producing new forms of social inequality and gendered domination
| [21] | Fenster, T. (2005). The right to the gendered city: different formations of belonging in everyday life. Journal of Gender Studies, 14(3), 217–231. https://doi.org/10.1080/09589230500264109 |
| [24] | Kern, L. (2020). Feminist City: Claiming Space in a Man-Made World. Toronto: Between the Lines. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv13xps7h |
| [27] | Massey, D. (1994). Space, Place and Gender. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. |
[21, 24, 27]
. While these projects did not create gender inequality in Rabat, they amplify and reconfigure pre-existing patriarchal structures through new spatial configurations. Through the marginalization of women in consultation processes, the erasure of feminine spatial practices, and persistent barriers to autonomous housing, a masculine city emerges one built upon implicit norms of control, order, and hierarchical visibility
| [17] | Denèfle, S. & Monqid, S. (2011). La ville genrée: Entre appropriation des lieux et contraintes normatives. In: Denèfle, S. (ed.) Genre et construction sociale des espaces. Tours: PUF, pp. 15–42. |
[17]
.
Far from being silent victims, the women encountered during fieldwork articulate situated and often informal discourses that challenge the dominant narratives of progress and modernity. Gender thus becomes a critical analytical lens for understanding contemporary urban production revealing tensions between rhetorical calls for inclusion and practical mechanisms of exclusion. Media-covered cases such as Ocean District and Skhirat further enrich this reading by offering concrete illustrations of how women invest in, contest, or transform urban space.
4.1. The Invisibility of Women in Urban Governance Mechanisms
Participation is frequently portrayed as a condition of democratic legitimacy in urban development projects. However, this participation remains largely formal and selective. Consultation frameworks are rarely designed to include the most marginalized
| [6] | Berriane, M. (2021). Women and Urban Space in Morocco: Between Everyday Challenges and Political Claims. In: Zaki, L. & Bénit-Gbaffou, C. (eds.) Gender and the Politics of Space in Urban Morocco. Rabat: En toutes lettres. |
| [12] | Cabannes, Y. (2017). Participatory budgeting and the right to the city. Urban Studies. |
| [18] | Denèfle, S. & Monqid, S. (2011). Femmes, territoires et mobilités dans les villes arabes. Les Cahiers d’EMAM, 21, 47–62. |
[6, 12, 18]
, especially women from working-class neighborhoods who are often unavailable, uninformed, or deemed illegitimate interlocutors.
Interviews in Rabat and Salé reveal a deep sense of exclusion. As one resident from Youssoufia explains: “They held meetings, but it was always the same men talking. No one listens to us.” (Samira, 52)
This silencing is reinforced by prevailing social norms that continue to confine women to the domestic sphere. Several interviewees described internalized feelings of illegitimacy:
“Even when I wanted to speak, I wasn’t sure I had the right.” (Amina, 39, Salé)
This lack of recognition is embedded in a technocratic model of urban governance that privileges institutional expertise over situated, emotional, or experiential knowledge forms often carried by women
| [7] | Berriane, M. (2021). Habiter la ville autrement. Mobilités, attachements et rapports au lieu dans les marges de Rabat. Rabat: Centre Jacques Berque. |
| [10] | Bogaert, K. (2015). The Revolt of Small Towns: The Meaning of Morocco’s History and the Geography of Social Protests. Review of African Political Economy, 42(143), 124–140. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2014.918536 |
[7, 10]
.
4.2. Expropriation and Land Dispossession: A Gendered Perspective
Processes of expropriation and resettlement reveal stark gender inequalities in access to housing rights. Many women, widows, divorcees, reported difficulties asserting their rights due to the absence of property titles or lack of “recognized” marital status:
“I lived in my in-laws’ house. My husband died, and I have no papers in my name. They told me I had no rights.”
Such situations are widespread in working-class neighborhoods of Rabat-Salé. As highlighted by K. Bogaert
and H. Rachik
| [36] | Rachik, H. (2020). Le corps du pouvoir: Espace, société et politique au Maroc. Casablanca: La Croisée des Chemins. |
[36]
, the formalization of land rights tends to privilege the male figure of the head of household, to the detriment of alternative or matrifocal family configurations. The right to the city becomes a masculinized right
| [31] | Monqid, S. (2014). Femmes et villes: Rabat de la tradition à la modernité urbaine. Rennes: PUR. |
[31]
. Two emblematic cases illustrate these inequalities:
- In Ocean District, demolitions between 2023 and 2024 sparked intense protests. Families denounced forced sales at prices far below market value (1,000–13,000 MAD/m
2 vs. 20,000–30,000 MAD/m
2), without transparency or real avenues for appeal
. Several women created committees, contacted the media, and mobilized networks of female solidarity to make their voices heard.
- In Skhirat, around 400 plots were requisitioned for the construction of a flood-prevention canal, disproportionately affecting women living alone or with children, often without formal land titles. This silent, lesser-known dispossession underscores the heightened vulnerability of peripheral women facing “technical” decisions deemed inevitable
.
These cases demonstrate that women are not merely affected by urban policies; they resist, organize, and demand justice, even as their claims remain largely invisible.
4.3. Public Space Requalification and the Erasure of Female Practices
The requalification of the Bouregreg riverbanks, public squares, and the corniche has led to the creation of aesthetically appealing, yet socially regulated spaces. These areas impose implicit norms, sobriety, surveillance, respectability, which disproportionately restricts female bodies.
Among the 30 women interviewed, 23 reported avoiding these spaces, especially at night, or only frequenting them when accompanied. Some no longer feel these places “belong” to them: “Before, we could sit by the river with the kids. Now, we feel like it’s not for us anymore.” (Latifa, 47, L’Océan)
This sentiment of illegitimacy reveals a reconfiguration of urban centralities. The modern city, marketed as inclusive, in fact imposes a hierarchy of uses, where feminine practices such as informal leisure, spontaneous sociability, and community appropriation are pushed aside in favor of showcase urbanism
| [20] | Fawaz, M. & Peillen, I. (2020). Urban Redevelopment and the Politics of Displacement in the Arab World. Middle East Report, 294, 20–25. |
| [16] | Deboulet, A. (2016). Urban projects and displaced populations in the Maghreb. In: Zaki, L. & Barthel, P.-A. (eds.) Reconfiguring Mediterranean Cities. Rabat: IFPO. |
[20, 16]
.
4.4. Feminine Resistance: Presence, Memory, and Situated Citizenship
Faced with such exclusions, women develop forms of resistance that are discreet yet persistent. The simple act of continuing to visit a former neighborhood, narrating its story to children, or participating in a community committee becomes a political gesture: “I come here every Sunday. I walk around, I talk to people. I grew up here. I don’t want to forget.” (Naïma, 63, former resident of L’Océan)
In Ocean District and Skhirat, the formation of committees, the dissemination of testimonies on social media, and engagement with institutional mediation represent grassroots modes of political action and situated female citizenship.
These actions show that urban planning is not only about maps and blueprints, but also about memory, social bonds, and dignity.
A gendered reading of urban transformations in Rabat reveals persistent processes of invisibilization, unequal access to rights, and spatial standardization. The “sustainable,” “inclusive,” and “heritage-oriented” city promoted in official discourse leaves little room for feminine subjectivities, singular life trajectories, and everyday forms of resistance.
5. Conclusion
The transformation of Rabat over the past two decades reveals a profound paradox. Undertaken in the name of progress, modernity, and international appeal, it has simultaneously produced new forms of social, spatial, and symbolic exclusion. Internationalization, heritage valorization, and coastal redevelopment are not merely technical planning measures; they are processes that reshape the city without its inhabitants, erasing popular memory, dismantling solidarities, and relegating the most vulnerable to the margins.
Framed as engines of development, flagship projects such as waterfront requalification, mega-event infrastructure, and heritage branding reflect a political will to position Rabat in global competition. Yet they raise a fundamental question: modernization yes, but for whom? And in whose name?
Beneath the rhetoric of shared progress lies a complex reality. Entire neighborhoods are relocated to peripheral zones, families expropriated with minimal compensation, and “rehousing” schemes tied to bank loans inaccessible to many. The Ocean district and Skhirat exemplify this shift from “the city as a common good” to “a space of shared problems and unequal burdens.”
Many of the women interviewed actively engaged with these transformations. As everyday managers of domestic life and guardians of social ties, they carry the disproportionate burden of displacement, material, emotional, and symbolic. Yet they also resist. Through leaflets, sit-ins, petitions, or social media campaigns, women contest dominant models of governance and demand alternatives. These mobilizations, rooted in both necessity and dignity, trace the contours of women's political mobilization that challenges existing power structures.
From L’Océan to Skhirat, the Moroccan coast embodies the tensions between modernity, memory, and social justice.
Rabat’s experience invites broader reflection on urban governance in the Global South. The future of the city depends on moving beyond showcase urbanism and selective inclusion, toward genuinely democratic forms of urban production, attentive to vulnerabilities, grounded in lived experience, and anchored in citizenship. The struggles of Rabat’s women demonstrate that inclusive and democratic urban futures are not only imaginable, they are already being made through everyday practices of resistance.
This study provides original empirical evidence on gendered displacement in Rabat-Salé, yet certain limitations must be acknowledged. The sample of 30 interviews across three neighborhoods may not capture the full diversity of women's experiences. The snowball sampling technique likely favored women already engaged in resistance networks. Future research would benefit from including institutional perspectives and comparative analyses across Maghreb cities.
Abbreviations
AAVB | Agence Pour l'Aménagement de la Vallée du Bouregreg (Bouregreg Valley Development Agency) |
FGD | Fédération de la Gauche Démocratique (Democratic Left Federation) |
UNESCO | United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization |
MAD | Moroccan Dirham |
Author Contributions
Safaa Monqid is the sole author. The author read and approved the final manuscript.
Conflicts of Interest
The author declares no conflicts of interest.
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APA Style
Monqid, S. (2025). Urban Transformation and Social Inequality in Rabat-Salé Between International Ambitions and Local Displacement. Social Sciences, 14(5), 536-544. https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17
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Monqid, S. Urban Transformation and Social Inequality in Rabat-Salé Between International Ambitions and Local Displacement. Soc. Sci. 2025, 14(5), 536-544. doi: 10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17
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Monqid S. Urban Transformation and Social Inequality in Rabat-Salé Between International Ambitions and Local Displacement. Soc Sci. 2025;14(5):536-544. doi: 10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17
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@article{10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17,
author = {Safaa Monqid},
title = {Urban Transformation and Social Inequality in Rabat-Salé Between International Ambitions and Local Displacement
},
journal = {Social Sciences},
volume = {14},
number = {5},
pages = {536-544},
doi = {10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17},
url = {https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17},
eprint = {https://article.sciencepublishinggroup.com/pdf/10.11648.j.ss.20251405.17},
abstract = {This article analyses recent urban development in Rabat–Salé, Morocco, with a focus on displacement and women’s mobilisations against top-down planning. Since the early 2000s, state-led and internationally financed waterfront megaprojects, including tramway extensions, marinas, heritage restorations, and cultural complexes, have profoundly transformed working-class neighborhoods into tourist and elite residential enclaves. Despite official commitments to participation and fair compensation, many residents report demolitions, forced relocations, and limited access to information or legal recourse. Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted between 2022 and 2025, including 30 semi-structured interviews with women from the Ocean District, Saniat Gharbia, and Douar Laskar, as well as press analysis and participant observation, this study examines how women perceive and navigate these transformations. The analysis highlights the unequal impacts of gentrification across social groups, particularly along lines of gender and class. Drawing on feminist and postcolonial urban theories, the article explores how women contest exclusionary urban policies through sit-ins, media campaigns, and legal appeals. The findings show that while the Moroccan state promotes a globalised image of Rabat as a “City of Light,” local populations experience the erasure of historical memory, the loss of housing rights, and deepening spatial injustice. Women, in particular, emerge both as victims and agents of resistance, negotiating complex trade-offs between survival, visibility, and voice in the city. This research contributes to debates on urban inequality, spatial justice, and the role of gender in contested urban governance in the Global South.
},
year = {2025}
}
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TY - JOUR
T1 - Urban Transformation and Social Inequality in Rabat-Salé Between International Ambitions and Local Displacement
AU - Safaa Monqid
Y1 - 2025/10/22
PY - 2025
N1 - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17
DO - 10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17
T2 - Social Sciences
JF - Social Sciences
JO - Social Sciences
SP - 536
EP - 544
PB - Science Publishing Group
SN - 2326-988X
UR - https://doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20251405.17
AB - This article analyses recent urban development in Rabat–Salé, Morocco, with a focus on displacement and women’s mobilisations against top-down planning. Since the early 2000s, state-led and internationally financed waterfront megaprojects, including tramway extensions, marinas, heritage restorations, and cultural complexes, have profoundly transformed working-class neighborhoods into tourist and elite residential enclaves. Despite official commitments to participation and fair compensation, many residents report demolitions, forced relocations, and limited access to information or legal recourse. Based on qualitative fieldwork conducted between 2022 and 2025, including 30 semi-structured interviews with women from the Ocean District, Saniat Gharbia, and Douar Laskar, as well as press analysis and participant observation, this study examines how women perceive and navigate these transformations. The analysis highlights the unequal impacts of gentrification across social groups, particularly along lines of gender and class. Drawing on feminist and postcolonial urban theories, the article explores how women contest exclusionary urban policies through sit-ins, media campaigns, and legal appeals. The findings show that while the Moroccan state promotes a globalised image of Rabat as a “City of Light,” local populations experience the erasure of historical memory, the loss of housing rights, and deepening spatial injustice. Women, in particular, emerge both as victims and agents of resistance, negotiating complex trade-offs between survival, visibility, and voice in the city. This research contributes to debates on urban inequality, spatial justice, and the role of gender in contested urban governance in the Global South.
VL - 14
IS - 5
ER -
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